II. The Economic Views of the Various Religions and Limited Circularity
1. Economic Ethics and the Circularity of the Various Religions
The economic thought of a religion may be called a very central constituent element of religion, one that concretely expresses the abstract thought of that religion. The hidden meaning of a religion can be grasped when it is expressed as economic thought. When a religion appears as economic thought, it may be said to appear as an economic ethic that is more concrete than its religious doctrine.
Although modern capitalist economics adamantly denies it, economy and ethics are, like Janus, in a very close relationship in which they are constantly opposed yet appear together at the same time. Even in such an everyday situation as how one eats a single apple, economy and ethics constantly appear in opposition. Because economy and ethics frequently appear in mutually opposed forms, they stand in so close a relationship that one might say the inverse of economy is ethics and the inverse of ethics is economy. Historically, economy and ethics are said to have shown toward each other a relationship like that of a long-term function.
[Figure 2.1] The Historical Trend of Economy and Ethics136)
Given that the core ethics of the various religions appear as visible economic thought, and that the economic thought of a religion appears mainly in an ethical form, examining the economic ethics of the various religions becomes a very important task in understanding religion. Moreover, since ethics too may be said to be closely related to economics, the three—religion, economics, and ethics—may be said to possess a common theoretical system.137) As for the relationship among religion, economics, and ethics, one may examine it in the order of first establishing a system centered on ethics, which is close to daily life, then illuminating its relationship with economics, and again connecting it with religion.
First, if we examine the system of ethics, ethics has, in chronological order, three traditions: the ethics of Aristotle, which emphasizes virtue (excellence)138)139); the deontological ethics of Kant, which emphasizes the right (正, justice); and the libertarian or utilitarian ethics, which emphasizes the good (善, efficiency).140)
To take daily life as an example, in a situation where profit and ethics conflict, the standard of ethical conduct by which one keeps one's conscience was, in ancient Greece, a matter of inner virtue that is my own being; but with Kant it became a matter of my ethical duties and rights under the institution of the social contract; and again in the modern age ethics approaches it as a matter of conduct concerning the interest of myself and of society as a whole.
To apply abstract ethical concepts to economics, a concrete social science, the system of ethics—which has the two sides of theory and practice—may be divided into the following nine systems.
\<Table 2.1\> The System of Ethics141)
| Object of evaluation \ Concept of value | Basic value-language | Operational value-language | Ultimate end |
| :---: | :---: | :---: | :---: |
| Conduct | Good (善) | Efficiency | Utility |
| Institution | Right (正) | Justice | Rights |
| Being | Virtue (德) | Excellence142) | Capability |
Actual economics, too, like ethics, appears as a tradition that develops its theories centered on three tasks: conduct (the good—the marginal utility school), institution (the right—the institutionalist school and the historical school), and being (virtue—the economics of the gift).
In the case of obtaining a single apple, the marginal utility school, a neoclassical school, values efficient conduct that takes profit by calculating the utility—that is, the marginal utility—and the cost incurred upon obtaining the last apple; the institutionalist school values the history and institutions involved—how fair the institution is by which a single apple comes into my hands; and in the economics of the gift, the matter of being—who gave me the apple—is valued.
That every society has economy and ethics, and that economy and ethics become the core of society, is because economy and ethics are the two principal means of integrating society by the standard of universal value. That mutually opposed economy and ethics constantly appear together is because economy (efficiency) and ethics (the right) share the common feature of the good (善). The good, too, has two opposed attributes integrated into one. When utility is called the good, the good has individual plurality and qualitative diversity; thus, in the aspect of individual plurality two combinations—efficiency and justice—are possible, and in the aspect of qualitative diversity two combinations—freedom and excellence—are possible. Freedom becomes a basic value-norm common to both economy and ethics.
[Figure 2.2] The Composition of the Tasks143)
According to the above tasks, the world of economy and the world of ethics are integrated around the good. The integrated world of economy and ethics is mediated through the virtue of politics or religion. Economy, ethics, and politics (religion) represent, respectively, conduct, institution, and being.
As shown in [Figure 2.3], wealth comes from scarce resources, capability comes from insufficient virtue, and rights come from limited rightness (正). Economy and ethics are regulated in the domain of political virtue (德), which is excellence, and all three are integrated into the good.
[Figure 2.3] The Integration of the World of Economy and the World of Ethics144)
If we examine economic ethics among ethical thought, the character of ethical thought now becomes apparent according to which of the right (正), the good (善), and virtue (德) it emphasizes when related to economy. The tradition of ethics began with the debate between the right (正) and the good (善). The utilitarian tradition beginning with Adam Smith emphasized the good (善) over the right (正), asserting that the happiness of the greatest number is itself moral, and it built the dominant economic-ethical thought until the appearance of Rawls's social contractarianism, which emphasizes the right (正) over the good (善). The utilitarian tradition held that the individual may be sacrificed for the happiness of the greatest number.
Rawls modernized Kant's deontological ethics, pointed out the weaknesses of utilitarianism, and revived a social-contractarian theory of justice grounded in individual freedom.145) His point is that if individual happiness is sacrificed, the happiness of the greatest number is meaningless, so the duty to guarantee individual happiness is more important. Rawls's social contractarianism has aspects that advanced beyond utilitarianism, but because it gave rise to problems of freedom and equality it was again criticized by communitarians and libertarians. Communitarianism146), which holds that although individual duty is important the community takes precedence, emphasizes from a holistic standpoint pragmatic virtue (德) over the ethical sense of duty that is the right (正); and libertarianism, from an individualist standpoint, emphasizes the virtue (德) of positive freedom over the right (正). Here freedom may be called the basic norm common to all three—the right (正), the good (善), and virtue (德).
Examining the relationship of each school of thought more concretely, utilitarianism—represented by Mill and Bentham, or by Pareto147)—holds, unlike the libertarianism represented by Hayek and Friedman, that individual freedom may be constrained if it serves the interest of the whole, and unlike social contractarianism, it places interest before duty.
The ethical theories that value ethics over economy are social contractarianism and communitarianism148); the social contractarianism represented by Rawls, unlike communitarianism, adopts methodological individualism and does not sacrifice the individual for the interest of the whole. The communitarianism represented by MacIntyre is the finest alternative for implementing social welfare under capitalism, but its practicality is questionable because of the uncertainty of compensation for individual sacrifice.149) From the standpoint of value-ideology, the utilitarianism and libertarianism related to economic ethics emphasize efficiency through adaptation, while social contractarianism, which emphasizes ethics, pursues justice through solidarity, and communitarianism pursues excellence through freedom. To integrate the above tasks, modern economic ethics and economics resolve problems on four dimensions.
\<Table 2.2\> The Dimensions of Modern Moral Philosophy
| Method \ Value | Good (善)—order within institutions | | Right (正)—basic structure of institutions | |
| :---: | :---: | :---: | :---: | :---: |
| Individualism | Market equilibrium theory (theoretical economics) | | Social contractarianism (justice) | Libertarianism (freedom) |
| Holism | Utilitarianism (efficiency) | Communitarianism (virtue) | Institutional evolutionism (historical-school economics) | |
The four ethical theories may be divided into four quadrants according to the criteria of individual/community and efficiency (economy)/justice (politics).
[Figure 2.4] The Relationship of the Four Economic Ethics
Second, if we examine the religious aspect, the interrelationship between economic ethics and religious thought can be examined in the composition of the circular logic found in the doctrinal systems of religious thought. That among countless religions the ones with a cyclic economic view can be limited to Yu-Bul-Seon and Western Religion (Seogyo) appears in the logical framework of thought of the various religious theories.150) Because the logical frameworks in which circular logic can be expressed are limited, the religious thought of East and West can be condensed into Yu-Bul-Seon and Western Religion. Economics, too, may be said to be a kind of logic, like game theory, and to stand in a mutually circular relationship; therefore economic ethics and religion can be integrated with each other.
Because a circle is round, in the theory of circulation the proposition X and the proposition –X151) appear complementarily (相補的), unlike in linear theory.152) The various aspects of circulation can be examined, using mathematical logic, by means of adjacency-structure theory, a branch of topology.153) As in dialectics, in the circular logic of the circle a proposition that sets out as X at the starting point becomes –X at the turning point and again becomes X.154) In the end, the logics that can appear in the theory of circulation are limited to:
Confucianism, which holds that X is X and –X is –X155);
Taoism, which holds that X is –X and –X is X156);
and Buddhism, which holds that X is neither X nor –X157);
and Western Religion, with the universal love (博愛) that “X is everything”158), connects the three circular logics so that they may operate.
In fact, the Confucian logic that X is X and –X is –X159) is:
To learn (X) and to practice it from time to time (X) is a joy,160)
and if a like-minded friend (同志, X) comes (X), it is a pleasure161);
the ruler (X) must act as ruler (X), and the minister (–X) must act as minister (–X).162)
To regard what one knows (X) as known (X) and what one does not know (–X) as not known (–X)—this is knowing (X).163)
A friend (X) is a friend (X), and an enemy (–X) is an enemy (–X).164)
To the logic of Confucianism, Taoism responds with paradox.
In Taoism, which holds that X is –X and –X is X165):
if one calls the Way (道, X) the Way (X), it is not the Way (–X)166);
the strongest thing (X) is the weakest, water (–X)167);
heaven and earth (X) are not benevolent (不仁, –X)168);
a friend (X) is an enemy (–X), and an enemy (–X) is a friend (X).169)
While Taoism and Confucianism stood opposed on the Chinese mainland, Buddhism from India swept across China as a mediating thought.
Buddhism, which holds that ‘X is neither X nor –X,’ responds to the Taoist claim that an enemy is a friend by saying
that, ‘without friend (X) or enemy (–X),’ all things are empty (空).170)
[Figure 2.5] The Interrelationship of the Various Religions
The circular relationship of the economic thought of the various religions appears intensively, centered on the method of pursuing eternal life, which may be called the core of religious doctrine. Western Religion, which holds that ‘X is everything,’ pursues the eternal life of the soul (靈魂永生) through a covenantal circulation grounded in the Ten Commandments between God and the human community.171) Because the logic that ‘X is everything’ pursues community over the individual and spirit over matter, it pursues eternal life through the soul.172) Buddhism, which holds that ‘X is neither X nor –X,’ pursues transmigration and rebirth (輪回轉生) through the circulation of all things on the wheel of dharma according to the theory of dependent origination. If ‘X is neither X nor –X,’ the distinction between body and spirit and the distinction between self and other disappear; thus, dying and transmigrating, changing bodies, the human being can attain the perfection of the next world through transmigration and rebirth. Confucianism, which holds that ‘X is X and –X is –X,’ pursues the summoning and revival of the spirit (招魂再生) through circulation in the human relations of father and son, ruler and subject. If matter is matter and spirit is spirit, and I am I and you are you, then one orients toward this world over the next and toward community over the individual. Taoism, which holds that ‘X is –X and –X is X,’ has emphasized the eternal life of the body (肉身永生) through the circulation of non-action and naturalness that accords with the principles of nature.173) If spirit is body and body is spirit, and death is life and life is death, then one orients toward the individual over community and toward the eternal life of the body in this world over the next. In religion, circulation was the core of each religion's identity in pursuing eternal life, so they have been wary of the infinite development of economy, which can break circulation. The various religions can be divided into four according to the individual174)/community175) and next-world orientation176)/this-world orientation of the eternal life they pursue.
[Figure 2.6] The Interrelationship of the Views of Eternal Life of the Various Religions177)
In the circular worldview, all things show similar relationships with one another, like fractals (相同性, self-similarity), and this is all the more so for economy and ethics, which are closely connected with religion. A fractal (相同性) means a mutually resembling structure. Modern science has revealed that the smallest atom and the largest galaxy have similar structures, and that computers and molecules have similar structures.
[Figure 2.7] The Interrelationship of Religion and Economic Ethics
Unlike the reductionist method that splits all things to find the ultimate particle, in the theory of circulation—which uses an emergentist and holistic (全一) method that finds laws within the relationships of all things—all things circulate, and structures that bear mutual polarity (daedae) with one another have mutually resembling structures.178)
In [Figure 2.4] on the relationship of the four economic ethics and [Figure 2.5] on the interrelationship of the various religions, the X-axes—efficiency (economy)–justice (politics) and this-world orientation–next-world orientation—and the Y-axis, individual–community, may be said to have points in common, so the two graphs can be overlaid as in [Figure 2.7].
In the theory of circulation, looking far ahead, Taoism holds that ‘a friend (X) is an enemy (–X) and an enemy (–X) is a friend (X),’ so that the individual appears with a libertarian character pursuing his own freedom without connection to others179); whereas Buddhism, which holds that ‘there is neither friend (X) nor enemy (–X),’ becomes a social-contractarian religion in which one merely fulfills one's own duties. In Confucianism, where a friend is a friend and an enemy is an enemy, so that enemy and friend are clearly distinguished, one pursues the greatest happiness for one's own side, but it orients toward a utilitarianism180) in which individual interest is disregarded for the interest of the whole. If Taoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism have gathered everything together on the side of production, then Western Religion, which holds that ‘X belongs to everyone,’ distributes everything gathered, like fire, through the communitarianism of universal love (博愛).181)
Third, if we examine economy: the world's religions are divided into Yu-Bul-Seon and Western Religion according to the logical structure of the theory of circulation, and economy has a structure related to circulation—namely saving, production, circulation, and distribution.
[Figure 2.8] The Interrelationship of Economic Views182)
If we apply the logic of the existing religions to economic circulation:
Taoism, which holds that ‘X is –X and –X is X’183), concentrates on economic circulation through the view of wealth (財富論) that prepares today in preparation for the future184);
the Confucian logic that ‘X is X and –X is –X’ organizes human beings and society with the property accumulated through the view of wealth and engages in production. The goods produced by Confucianism are widely given and circulated through the universal-love thought of Western Religion, and the goods whose circulation is finished are
fairly distributed by Buddhism, which holds that ‘X is neither X nor –X,’ and what remains is again saved, becoming a new cycle as in [Figure 2.9].
[Figure 2.9] The Interrelationship of the Various Religions and Economic Views [Figure 2.10] Religion, Economic Ethics, and Economic Views—
Interrelationship
Because ethics has the polarity (待對性) of libertarianism, utilitarianism, communitarianism, and social contractarianism, the economic thought of the various religions can be reorganized, as in [Figure 2.10], centered on the economic-activity process of saving, production, circulation, and distribution, into: Taoism and the libertarian view of wealth, Confucianism and the utilitarian185) view of labor, Western Religion and the communitarian view of goods, and Buddhism and the social-contractarian view of distribution.
Moreover, since economic thought and economics have a historical interrelationship, as in [Figure 2.11]: libertarianism is close to neoclassical economics, which emphasizes use-value as utility; utilitarianism to Keynesian/Schumpeterian economics, which emphasizes sign-value as effective demand and innovation; communitarianism to the social-welfarist, institutionalist economics, which emphasizes symbolic value as the gift; and social contractarianism—because it emphasizes fair exchange—to the classical school and Marxism, which emphasize exchange-value grounded in the labor theory of value.
[Figure 2.11] The Interrelationship of Religion, Economic Ethics, and Economics
The thought of each economic school may be summarized as follows. Neoclassical economics refers to the economics commonly represented by the law of supply and demand that appears in high-school social-studies textbooks. Contrary to the common notion—because the law of supply and demand is in high-school textbooks—that it is the indisputable basic theory of economics, the law of supply and demand is merely the theory of neoclassical economics, a critical theory directed against the supply-centered classical economics. Neoclassical economics, focusing on the subjective preferences of the individual rather than the overall flow of the economy, subjectivized the economy into the perspective of supply and demand and utility. Representative neoclassical economists are Marshall, Hayek, Friedman, and others, who regard minimal government, the market economy, and freedom as supreme values and thus provide the economic grounds for libertarians. For the neoclassical economist, value becomes use-value—how much use-value a thing has.
Keynes, famous as the theoretical architect of President Roosevelt's New Deal, which resolved the Great Depression of 1929, criticized neoclassical economics—which, believing in minimal government and the market economy, could devise no countermeasures even when the Great Depression came—and resolved the depression with the utilitarian concept of effective demand. Unlike neoclassical economists, who held that leaving everything to the market resolves all problems, Keynes brought about a great change in economic theory by holding that one must provide workers with jobs that allow them to consume, in order to achieve the greatest happiness of the greatest number. Schumpeterianism186), like Keynesianism, is the same in being a utilitarianism that pursues the greatest happiness of the greatest number, but it holds that value arises in the economy not through wealth as effective demand but through innovation, and that social innovation that brings the greatest happiness of the greatest number circulates the economy. In utilitarianism, value becomes innovation-value—that is, sign-value—that can bring about the greatest social production. Because sign-value is not as clear as use-value and exchange-value, it bears ambiguity. Moreover, since sign-value is a value that imitates the desire of others, if it does not circulate, it is prone to bring about moral hazard and self-destruction through the internal division of its members. Sign-value (Baudrillard) is said to appear as the value of conspicuous consumption (Veblen187)) or as imitative value (Girard188)).
If neoclassical economics and Keynesian economics are economy-centered economics that emphasize efficiency as the best adaptation within given limits, then institutionalist economics189) is an economics that problematizes the given framework and seeks to create new value by changing the given framework. Neoclassical economics and Keynesian economics, in economic circulation, concentrate mainly on production, causing an energy-surplus phenomenon in the economy and, leaning only toward accumulation, paralyzing economic circulation. The institutionalist school seeks to circulate the economy by creating a framework of rational consumption. Representative schools and scholars include the gift-theory economist Mauss, Bataille190)—who advocated a general economics centered on consumption—Baudrillard, and the American institutionalist Veblen. Institutionalist economics holds that the source of the economy lies in consumption and the gift, that production is an activity for consumption and the gift, and that the value of a commodity appears as symbolic value (Baudrillard) or cultural value191) (Yuichi Shionoya)—how much value the commodity has when it is given.
If the neoclassical school, Keynesian-Schumpeterian economics, and institutionalist economics are each centered on utility—use-value, sign-value, and symbolic value—then the classical school and Marxist economics are centered on exchange as fair labor-value. Classical economics, which may be called the first economic theory, was not the neoclassical economics of supply and demand that appears in high-school textbooks, but the classical school and Marxist economics, which emphasized the equality of labor-value. Classical economics holds that every commodity is a product of human labor, that price is determined by the average of the labor invested in the commodity, and that what is economically efficient is the equalization of labor-value. In classical economics the human being is regarded as a commodity called labor-power, capable of investing labor, and the value of the human being is regarded as the minimum subsistence cost that can reproduce labor-power. Wages are not the value produced by labor but the cost of reproducing labor-power—that is, the minimum subsistence cost. The difference between the minimum subsistence cost and the value of the commodity produced by the invested labor becomes surplus value and becomes capital.
Among the various economic theories, value theory becomes a core concept in economics because the value-theory problem is directly connected to the distribution problem—since what the value of a commodity is determines whether the share I receive is just. Baudrillard holds that every object has four economic values. For example, the apple in one's hand becomes use-value if eaten, exchange-value if exchanged, sign-value if used as a sign, and symbolic value if given to another person.192)
The discussion so far may be summarized as follows.
\<Table 2.3\> Comparison Table of Religion–Economic Ethics–Economic Theory
| | Saving | Production | Circulation | Distribution |
| :---: | :---: | :---: | :---: | :---: |
| Religion | Taoism | Confucianism | Western Religion | Buddhism |
| Economic thought | Libertarianism | Utilitarianism | Communitarianism | Social contractarianism |
| Economic view | View of wealth | View of labor | View of goods | View of distribution |
| Economics | Neoclassical | Keynesian | Institutionalist | Classical/Marxist |
| Value theory | Use-value | Sign-value | Symbolic value | Exchange-value |
If we examine the actual economic history of East and West, Western capitalism began with the Calvinist Protestant view of wealth—which, similar to the Taoist view of wealth, recognized private property and usury as the predestination of salvation—and was ignited by the Confucian theory of enriching the nation and strengthening the military (bugukgangbyeong) that came in from China. When Western acquisitiveness erupted as a policy of enriching the nation and strengthening the military, it eventually destroyed the Eastern circularity of Confucianism, which had been the origin of that very policy, and furthermore, as human beings serially came to deny God, it also destroyed the Western-Religion circulation of goods as God's promise of salvation. The modern age, in which circularity has disappeared, turned into materialism and gambling capitalism, and the modern age came to need a circular religious thought to save it.
To understand the cyclic economic view that appears in Daesoon Thought, let us first examine, for each religion and economic thought, the religious origin of existing economic thought and its limited circularity.
2. Chinese-Style Taoist Capitalism and the Libertarian View of Wealth193)
Compared with Confucianism, Western Religion, and Buddhism—as in Confucian capitalism or Protestantism—Taoism has not stirred up a boom of academic debate in connection with capitalism, yet it may be said to be the thought closest to capitalism and most influential among the Chinese people.194) Today the most popular religion in communist China is Taoism, and modern China, which actually makes material things its highest value195), may be said to be closer to a Taoist nation than to a Confucian nation.196) Mao Zedong, who opposed Confucianism, treated Taoism relatively favorably and constantly emphasized communism by comparing it with Taoism197); and Deng Xiaoping's reform and opening are connected with the flexibility of Taoism.198) Taoism has shown characteristics that accord very well with the Chinese people's astuteness in managing money (理財). The gods of modern Taoist temples are full of deities who govern wealth.199) China's Taoism-oriented economic system may be called Chinese-style Taoist capitalism.200)
If we examine Chinese-style Taoist capitalism beginning with the parts close to daily life—in the order of history, principal economic activity, doctrine, view of society, attitude toward economic activity, view of the market, view of the state, value theory, problems, differences, and points for improvement—it appears to have a view of wealth similar to libertarianism and neoclassical economics.201)
First, examining the history of Taoism's East–West exchange: after Taoism was first introduced to Europe indirectly by Matteo Ricci202), it influenced, in economic theory, Adam Smith—who advocated the invisible hand—and the neoclassical school, which advocated marginal utility theory, and, in the aspect of economic ethics, it influenced libertarianism.203) Geneva, where Calvin—who founded the Puritanism that Weber regarded as the origin of capitalism—lived, was at the time a commercial region where Chinese information from the likes of Marco Polo was in vogue; and the doctrine of vocational calling and predestination of salvation, and the recognition of usury—which became the full-fledged development of capitalism—were things that had been practiced in China under the influence of the Taoist doctrine of exhorting goodness (勸善說) and the view of wealth.204) Calvin's view of wealth as proof of the predestination of salvation has something in common with the Taoist view of wealth as goods that are God's grace, and Taoism is very similar to the Protestant view of wealth.205) Just as the kidneys (腎臟), like the body's bank, filter all things and send new vitality to the liver (肝), so in the economy too the view of wealth that saves property in expectation of the future may be called the core of economic development.206) Contrary to what Weber said, the Calvinism that gave rise to capitalism in fact arose from a thought diametrically opposed to Western Religion.207) Because Western Religion in principle advocates universal love, conduct based on the view of wealth may be said to be opposed to universal love.208) Weber saw the origin of Western capitalism in Calvin's predestination of salvation, but Calvin's asceticism began to operate in earnest only after it was combined with Adam Smith's Taoist capitalist thought.209)
Calvin, contrary to the universal-love spirit of Western Religion that gives everything away, recognized usury—which at the time was deemed unlawful in China and India and even in Islam—and thereby laid the foundation for saving. Calvin regarded monopoly, which obstructs the sound trade of necessary commodities, as akin to murder. According to Calvin's claims, the city of Geneva at the time is said to have imposed price controls on necessities such as wine, bread, and meat.210) The religious reformers of the time generally ran commercial cities threatened by overall ruin and widespread unemployment.211) By Calvin's policies, Geneva rose within a single generation from an insignificant provincial town to an international center of commerce and finance.212) Adam Smith of England—where, unlike the Continent, individualism had developed and Calvin's influence was relatively greater than Luther's—inherited Calvin's thought and, aided by the thought of Laozi and Confucius learned from Quesnay, made use of the non-action and naturalness of the invisible hand.213)
In intellectual history, the Taoist thought of the small state with few people214) may be said to have influenced the laissez-faire economic thought of Confucius and Mencius, and this in turn to have been carried on to Calvin, Adam Smith, and others.215) The intellectual origin of libertarianism and the marginal utility school is Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations; for the very title of The Wealth of Nations (國富) came from the Taoist policy of enriching the nation (富國) and strengthening the military, and laissez-faire—the representative theory of The Wealth of Nations—came from a translation of the Taoist ‘governing through non-action’ (無爲之治), which encompasses non-action (無爲). (footnote 70)
Doctrinally, too, because saving denies the present and places its hope more on expectation of the future, it becomes the economic thought of Taoism, which has the circular logic that ‘X is –X.’ The small state with few people and the philosophy of water are representative thoughts of saving. Taoism seeks to promote circulation on the basis of saving in the four aspects of production–circulation–distribution–saving.
If we examine the principal economic activity of Taoism, the economic field related to Taoism in the economic cycle of production–circulation–distribution–saving may be said to be saving in particular. When Eastern thought is relatively oriented toward introversion compared with Western thought216), and when, among Eastern thought, Confucianism is the religion of advancing while Taoism is the religion of returning, Taoism has emphasized nothing (無) and stopping (止) from Laozi onward, and this may be said to correspond to saving in the economic cycle. Guan Yu, the god of loyalty—who gathered and kept without using any of the goods received from Cao Cao, and distributed all the goods when he returned to Liu Bei—became the god of wealth in Taoism217), and the core Taoist doctrine of non-action and naturalness became saving in economic activity.218) Taoist believers created books of exhortation to goodness (勸善書) and ledgers of merits and faults (功過格) to confirm how much future wealth their good deeds had accumulated.219)
Taoism emphasizes the wisdom of passive observation rather than active activity. Saving is the state in which all distribution has ended and all energy is being stored in anticipation of tomorrow; in terms of the Five Phases it is like “water,” and in terms of color it may be said to be like the color black. In fact, Taoism is so emphatic about the wisdom of water that it is called the “religion of water,” and it takes black as its symbolic color.220)
If we examine the Taoist view of the state, it appears as the thought of the small state with few people (小國寡民221)), which sees the ideal state as a minimal government. The small state with few people (小國寡民) appears, like anarchism, as a minimal state centered on utility. Hwang Tae-yeon said that Adam Smith learned the Confucian ‘governing through non-action’ (無爲而治)222), but the Confucian ‘governing through non-action’ was itself learned from Taoism. Taoism, even in the relationship of mind and body, prayed for longevity without illness using minimal energy, and Laozi, who may be called its founder, concentrated on enriching the nation and strengthening the military and on increasing the wealth of the people.
If we examine its view of society, Taoism denies political and social activity as artificial effort and plays the role of circulating all things through saving by economic activity alone, and so it has something in common with the libertarian view of wealth. Libertarianism may be called an economic ethic that, in economic ethics, gives priority to the individual over the community and to freedom over justice. Libertarian economic ethics holds that no social institution that restricts freedom is permissible, and that the economy develops naturally by the invisible hand according to individuals' use of money.
If we examine its view of equality, Taoism advocates absolute equality before the Way (道), like equality before the law and equality before the market. If Confucianism developed an egalitarian thought of the Great Unity (大同) grounded in community, Zhuangzi is said to have pursued absolute equality before the Way223) or the theory of heaven-born equality (天生平等說). Zhuangzi's absolute equality is similar to the libertarian absolute equality before the law.
Speaking of social institutions and the four occupations (scholar-farmer-artisan-merchant), Taoism also emphasizes technique and craft (工). The doctrines of Taoism are armed with all sorts of techniques—beginning with breathing techniques (qigong) and including incantations, the art of contracting distances, and alchemy for union with the gods. Southern China, where Taoism arose, was also the region inhabited by the Gonggong (工共) tribe, who were in charge of civil engineering in the time of the sage-kings Yao and Shun.
If we examine value theory, which is most important in connection with distribution, because Taoism respects practical benefit, Taoist value theory may be said to be similar to the neoclassical marginal utility theory. The marginal utility theory224) is a value theory holding that the marginal utility—the utility of the last, marginal good—determines value. For example, just as the same apple eaten when hungry has far greater utility than an apple eaten when full, value, unlike in the labor theory of value, is not determined unilaterally regardless of the demander, but is determined by the demander. If the demander is hungry, the value of the apple rises; if the demander is full, the value of the apple falls. Then, the way to raise value the most, viewed from the standpoint of the apple, is for it to be eaten in order of the hungriest person first. If a commodity moves in the most valuable way, the principle of circulation hidden within the marginal utility theory is that it circulates in order of the hungriest person first, and this may be called the merit of the marginal utility theory—the efficient allocation of resources. Moreover, distribution is called just when only as much as the marginal utility is distributed. In the marginal utility theory, distribution becomes subjective—one receives only as much as the utility one feels, not the value of the labor invested in the commodity—so it becomes difficult to argue for inequality of distribution.
In the marginal utility theory, goods move most efficiently when items are consumed in order, from those whose utility is most urgent. The marginal utility theory begins with the exchange of goods and concludes with the circulation of commodities. A hungry person purchases an apple by exchanging other goods he possesses, so beginning with exchange, the most efficient circulation occurs. In the marginal utility theory too, the more and faster the circulation, the more value rises; thus one can see that what actually generates value is not utility but circulation.
If the place where the marginal utility theory is realized is the circulation process, the place where it arises is Taoist saving. The law of equalization of marginal utility, which determines the best choice under given resources, is, like the theory of free competition, a valid concept only when its precondition—economic circulation—is possible.225) Circulation, like fire, merely scatters what water has gathered. For marginal utility to be equalized, bread need only go to the hungriest person. Therefore marginal utility too is in charge of a limited circulation.
Although Taoism emphasized the view of wealth, it did not develop into capitalism, suppressed by the power of Confucianism. Weber held that the positive view of wealth based on Protestantism's predestination of salvation was lacking in Confucianism, so capitalism did not develop in China226); but Taoism emphasizes wealth more than Protestantism does. It was only because Taoism was oppressed by Confucianism, so that accumulated wealth was again plundered, that it did not reach capitalism.
Today libertarianism is represented by Nozick227), and neoclassical economics by Friedman228), Hayek229), and others.
If we examine the merits and demerits of the Taoist libertarian view of wealth: as a merit, the Taoist view of wealth, which circulates the economy through the law of equalization of marginal utility, adapts well to given reality but has the limitation that it cannot boldly reform the given framework. In a cold libertarian society that emphasizes only adaptation, there is a danger of falling into gambling capitalism regardless of class, high or low.
Another point is that when institutions are deficient, the view of wealth can easily degenerate, just as Taoism drifted into a thought of escape from reality. In fact, the Western view of wealth, which accumulated capital according to Calvin's view of wealth, turns into gambling capitalism. As Weber said, the positive Protestant view of wealth, which emphasizes ascetic labor, changed greatly—after the “death of God” that Nietzsche declared and the “death of man” symbolized by the failure of communism—into a “gambling capitalist” view of wealth that pursues conspicuous consumption and virtual satisfaction.
As science developed, the secrets about the human being were revealed, and now the human being abandoned God and came to earn money for himself. As in Nietzsche's words, represented by “God is dead,” in a world where God is dead, money cannot become a token of “salvation” but becomes merely a token of others' desire. In capitalism, where desire has been homogenized by money, to possess money means to possess all of other people's desires. Money was a token of the circulation between God and the human being, and then became a token of the promise of circulation between person and person.
The failure of the planned economy of communism, through the loss of belief in human ideals, broke also the belief in money as the desire of others. Now money has become neither a token of salvation for God nor an altruistic token of desire for others, but simply a token that imitates the desire of others. When money lost its function as a token of humanity's ideals, money became the symbol of gambling capitalism. Money has now become money for the sake of money, losing its circularity and becoming a religion in itself. Just as people, even in a situation of religious loss, do not resent the founder of their religion, the modern person, even when he loses all his goods, has come not to resent capitalism.230) The modern capitalist view of wealth has become a gambling-capitalist view of wealth that has lost circularity.
\<Table 2.4\> Comparison Table of Taoist Capitalism and Libertarianism
| | Taoist capitalism | Libertarianism/Neoclassical economics |
| ----- | :---: | :---: |
| History of influence | Influenced Matteo Ricci and Calvin | Influenced modern mainstream economics |
| Theory | X is –X; denial of the present, preparation for the future | Respect for freedom |
| Principal economic activity | Saving, view of wealth, worship of wealth, instrumentalism231) | Increase of private property; token of predestined salvation and human ideals |
| View of the state | Small state with few people, realization of Great Peace | Minimal government, police state |
| View of society | Rejection of the artificial | Exclusion of government interference |
| View of equality | Equality before the Way (道), theory of heaven-born equality | Equality before the law/market |
| View of institutions | Minimalism | Emphasis on the market, emphasis on commerce |
| Value theory | Worship of practical benefit, adaptation as ‘the highest good is like water’ | Utility-value, efficiency through adaptation |
| Representative thinkers | Laozi, Zhuangzi | Calvin, Adam Smith, Hayek, Friedman |
| Merits | Inducement of economic motivation | Efficient allocation of resources |
| Problems | Nihilism and escape from reality through denial of social institutions | Destruction of community through excessive respect for freedom; conversion to gambling/casino capitalism through the death of God |
| Difference | Between circulation and freedom, circulation prevails | Between circulation and freedom, freedom prevails |
| Solution | Guarding against excess and deficiency | Acknowledging responsibility for autonomy, recovery of conscience |
If we examine the problems in connection with the differences between the views of wealth of Taoist capitalism and libertarianism: both Taoist capitalism and libertarianism have a view of wealth that treasures saving and freedom, but ultimately, because Taoist capitalism gives priority to nature, it gives priority to the circulation of nature over freedom; and because libertarianism gives priority to the human being, it gives priority to human interest over circulation. Although modern libertarianism, influenced by Taoism, made a great contribution to the development of capitalism, it pursued human interest while ignoring even the circulation of nature and thus brought about today's great crisis; therefore libertarianism urgently needs the recovery of a circulation that pursues freedom without denying its own responsibility, and Taoist capitalism urgently needs to guard against excess and deficiency. The libertarian/neoclassical characteristics that appear in Taoist capitalism in connection with the view of wealth, discussed so far, are summarized in \<Table 2.4\>.
3. Buddhist Bodhisattva Capitalism and the Social-Contractarian View of Distribution232)
Compared with Confucian capitalism—which has the backdrop of the Four Asian Dragons and of China and Japan—the economic thought of Buddhism has received relatively little attention; but Buddhism, which is relatively rich in references to economy, has recently been attracting attention as a new economic alternative with the rise of India and the spread of ecologism.233) In particular, the economic thought of Buddhism may be called a differentiated economic thought that, compared with Taoism, Confucianism, and Western Religion, leans relatively toward distribution rather than production, and a modern economic thought governed by the strict moral law of dependent origination.234) Because the distribution-centered and ethics-centered capitalism of Buddhism—with its characteristic of valuing human duty—is well expressed by the term bodhisattva capitalism, the economic thought of Buddhism may be called bodhisattva capitalism.235)
If we examine Buddhist bodhisattva capitalism beginning with the parts close to daily life—in the order of history, principal economic activity, doctrine, view of society, attitude toward economic activity, view of the market, view of the state, value theory, problems, differences, and points for improvement—we find that it has a view of distribution similar to social contractarianism and classical economics.
If we examine the history of Buddhist capitalism, Buddhism too was first introduced to the West by Matteo Ricci.236) Buddhism influenced Kant's deontological ethics.237) Western ethics, which began with the virtue ethics of Aristotle, passed through the communitarian ethics of Western Religion and the deontological, social-contractarian ethics of Kant, and reached English utilitarianism.
Kant, the founder of the deontological ethics that is the origin of social contractarianism, did not himself know that his thought was close to Buddhism, but later people pointed out many similarities between Kantian philosophy and Buddhism.238)
Kant first introduced into the West the principle of the antinomy, thereby introducing a system of “three,” like that of Indian philosophy.239) Buddhism and India each developed the concepts of the “mean (中),” “emptiness (空),” and “zero (0/零),” introducing a Buddhist threefold logic into a world that had consisted only of the male/female, yin/yang dichotomy; and Kant's concept of the “antinomy” was likewise a third concept, like “zero.” Using the antinomy, Kant could criticize the rationalism of the Continent as empty—a form without content—and the empiricism of England as blind—content without form—and could assert transcendental knowledge that, like “zero,” is neither rationalism nor empiricism. Kant, who phenomenologically negated both sides as in Buddhism, again postulated a deontology as in social contractarianism.240) The human being, who cannot be moral, must postulate the “good” and “God,” and this postulation is also like the way “non-self (無我)” postulates the “good (善)” in Buddhism. Schopenhauer241), who was influenced by Kant, and Nietzsche, who was influenced by Schopenhauer, also highly esteemed Buddhism.242) Buddhism greatly influenced social-contractarian economic ethics and the egalitarian thought related to it.
The principal economic activity of Buddhism, as appears in the Buddhist view of circulation called “formation, abiding, destruction, and emptiness” (成住壞空)—meaning that the seemingly still emptiness (空) collapses and is again formed—shows that, among saving, production, circulation, and distribution, because property arises through dependent origination (緣起) and class is not recognized243), economic activity appears centered on fair distribution.
Looking at the doctrinal system of Buddhism, it may be called a religion that emphasizes distribution-centered circulation—distributing fairly according to the theory of dependent origination rather than by efficiency. The reason Buddhism emphasizes distribution is interpreted in two ways. One is that India, where Buddhism arose, owing to its heaven-given climate, required little artificial effort for food production, allowed double-cropping, and treated any natural calamity as fate; so in a society like India's, naturally a morality of ‘sharing’ was emphasized over a morality of ‘making.’244) Another interpretation is that in a social class with extremely low productivity, people cannot live together without the equal distribution of products, and India in the time of Shakyamuni was a clan society with extremely low productivity.245) Buddhism, which—holding that ‘X is neither X nor –X’—denies new movement itself and fixes movement, is similar to social contractarianism in that it emphasizes fairness and ‘justice’ over efficiency.246)
Looking at the principal economic activity of Buddhism, Buddhism is commonly perceived as a transcendent religion detached from worldly labor, but the Buddha's teachings are said to show that such a perception is a prejudice.247)
Shakyamuni valued economic activity grounded in proper distribution, saying that a person who does no economic activity at all is a blind person; a person who knows how to obtain or increase property but has no eye to distinguish good from evil is a one-eyed person; and a person with two eyes is one who both knows how to obtain or increase property and knows how to distinguish good from evil.248)
An economy whose economic potential has expanded through Taoist saving comes, before making a creative leap, to first consider how to distribute the wealth after the leap. Social contractarianism, too, is said to have emerged as an alternative to A. C. Arrow's impossibility theorem—that in libertarianism there is no natural method of maximization for the happiness of the greatest number.249)
In the theory of circulation, development is not a straight line but, as in ‘one yin and one yang, this is called the Way (一陰一陽之謂道)’250), develops in the shape of the letter 乙 (eul), expanding once and contracting once.251) The capacity accumulated by Taoism, after being nurtured (養生) by Buddhist thought, is born and again leaps forward through Confucianism. Buddhism distributes all things precisely in accord with the circular law of dependent origination.252)
If we examine the Buddhist view of the state, it too emphasizes distribution.253) In Buddhism, the king's distribution policy is regarded as important, and it even presents the direction of proper economic management.254)
The Buddha is said to have held that social problems arise from economic inequality, and that the state must realize social fairness through an appropriate redistribution policy.
The standard of the state's distribution policy that the Buddha advocated is said to have considerable similarity to the social-contractarian view of the American political economist Rawls (J. Rawls). Rawls argues that fairness in income distribution, regardless of the present social position of members of society, should be regarded as fair if there is the agreement of the members of society. And he holds that a distribution policy that can raise as much as possible the welfare of the very poor—the lowest income group—can, for the time being, be called fair.255)
The explanation of the Kūṭadanta Sutta (『구라단두경』)256) is that the state can realize social justice through the equal distribution of goods in the right direction by providing a productive base to poor farmers, capital to merchants, and wages to employees. But what may be said to bring the two closer is that both have their foundation in a moral command. In the Kūṭadanta Sutta, the state's distribution policy has its meaning not at the level of temporary poor-relief, but in helping the poor to escape destitution by continuously possessing means of livelihood and engaging in productive activity, thereby building a foundation for self-reliance.257) In Rawls, too, it is said that one must not overlook that a moral principle forms the standard for judging distribution principles.
If we look at the concept of welfare as the Buddhist view of society, Buddhists conduct their economic life mindful of the concept of the three fields of merit (福田) expounded especially in the Upāsaka-śīla Sūtra (『우바새계경』). The three fields of merit are the field of meritorious virtue (功德田=敬田), the field of requiting kindness (報恩田), and the field of poverty (貧窮田); and as for social welfare, Buddhism too regards it as the result of an individual's voluntary motivation.258)259)
If we examine the value theory of Buddhism, it is similar to Adam Smith's labor theory of value. Adam Smith's labor theory of value is like finding the source of value within the flow of commodities in a state of phenomenological suspension of judgment. That economics begins with Adam Smith is because Adam Smith was the first to advocate the labor theory of value, holding that the source of value is labor.260) In the labor theory of value, the reason a 1,000-won commodity is more expensive than a 500-won commodity is that more labor goes into making the 1,000-won commodity than the labor needed to make the 500-won commodity. Once it was revealed that the standard of value determining the price of all commodities is human labor, all elements related to the economy were consistently organized. The Buddhist theory of dependent origination appears in Western economic thought as the labor theory of value.261) The labor theory of value—that what constitutes the price of a commodity is the labor invested in that commodity—coincides with the theory of dependent origination, that one reaps as one sows. If a commodity is the reward of labor, people can be fairly distributed as much as the reward of their labor.
Because the source of all value is human labor, the reproduction of labor-power, which enhances labor, becomes the most important production. According to Adam Smith, productive labor refers to labor directly invested in the production of the necessities needed to reproduce labor-power. Shakyamuni, too, distinguishes commercial labor from productive labor and emphasizes productive labor.
“There is work that is great in responsibility and requires much effort, and work that is small in what it undertakes and requires little effort. The former is farming and the latter is commerce; if carried out, one obtains great reward, but if not carried out, great reward is not obtained.”262)
The labor theory of value—that the price of a commodity is the quantity of labor invested—seems to have no connection with circulation at all. The circulation that lies behind the labor theory of value appears when one applies the law of equivalent exchange to the circulation of commodities. Because the law of exchange operates in the market, no one in the market makes a non-equivalent exchange. If a human being sells his labor-power at a reward above the reproduction cost of his labor-power and equivalent exchanges continue, no one would suffer loss—so why does surplus value arise? It is precisely because someone is ceaselessly giving, and that is the domain of nature.263)
The concept that most clearly reveals, in the labor theory of value, that the gift through the circulation of nature is the source of value is the distinction between labor-power and labor. Labor-power is the ability to labor, and labor is labor itself. The difference between labor and labor-power is the regenerability by which labor-power is generated anew after a night passes. Labor-power, over the course of a single night, comes endowed with new value from somewhere.
The use-value that arises from Taoist saving is realized in the exchange-and-distribution process. Just as, in the marginal utility theory, the very arising of utility lies in the resolution of difference through circulation, so in the labor theory of value the pure gift through the circulation of nature—that is, use-value—appears in the difference between labor-power and labor. If the labor theory of value grasped circulation from the dynamic standpoint of flow (yuhaeng, 遊行), then marginal utility may be said to have grasped value from a subjective standpoint in the static relationship of polarity (daedae, 待對).
Because Buddhism emphasizes distribution after expansion, its circular character stands out most among Yu-Bul-Seon and Western Religion.264) Buddhist labor becomes labor as gift and distribution—‘no dependent origination, no distribution.’265)
Buddhism has a bodhisattva-capitalist view of distribution holding that, because all living beings and all things are connected and circulate through dependent origination, the human being must regard all things as his own body, like a bodhisattva.266) Recently, economics that emphasizes the circulation of society has, grounded in the circular economic thought of Buddhism, found the hidden circularity of existing value theories. The common feature of existing value theories—labor, utility, innovation—is that, unlike Yu-Bul-Seon, they all emphasize human effort and conceal circulation, thereby hiding that the source of value did not arise from human effort alone but arises when the value generated by the circulation of nature is processed by human effort.
When straight-line classical capitalism failed to resolve the environmental crisis and human alienation, the Western view of goods changed from an ascetic view of goods that restrains desire for the sake of accumulation into an ecological economic view.267) The human being, who had accumulated goods infinitely, ran up against the wall of environmental problems and human alienation and began to ponder a value theory that could resolve the distribution problem through community. The belief that value can be created infinitely through innovation was broken, a circular value theory that considers nature and society together appeared, and it emphasizes the circulation of human labor and the symmetry of desire. In particular, the economic thought of Buddhism, which began to become widely known to the general public only in the latter half of the twentieth century, is said to be the religious economic thought most consistent with human consciousness.268)
If we examine the problems of Buddhism, one may cite problems similar to those of the social-contractarian theory of justice, which resembles Buddhism. In Rawls's social-contractarian theory of justice, the human being moves not for the sake of interest but to keep the duty of the contract. Buddhism aims at fair distribution, but it has the problem that it neither pursues efficiency as utilitarianism does, nor orients toward freedom as libertarianism does, nor orients toward giving first oneself as communitarianism does. Buddhism merely wishes that all values be applied justly. The economic thought of Buddhism, similar to the welfare-state theory of social-contractarian ethics, is low in efficiency and excludes creative virtue. As society grew complex, the boundary of justice and fair dependent origination became unclear.
If we examine the difference between Buddhist bodhisattva capitalism and social contractarianism: both Buddhist bodhisattva capitalism and social contractarianism emphasize the observance of duty, but Buddhist bodhisattva capitalism, because it treasures dependent origination (緣起) more, emphasizes circulation over duty269), whereas social contractarianism emphasizes duty more. Western social contractarianism contributed greatly to the development of capitalism along with the development of social security systems, but, as shown by the collapse of communism, it brought about distrust of human beings and society and caused today's crisis; therefore social contractarianism needs the spirit of requiting kindness that does not betray grace, and Buddhist bodhisattva capitalism needs respect for the community beyond individual liberation. A comparison of bodhisattva capitalism and Rawls's social-contractarian ethics is as follows.
\<Table 2.5\> Comparison Table of Bodhisattva Capitalism and Social Contractarianism
| | Bodhisattva capitalism | Social contractarianism/Classical economics |
| ----- | :---: | :---: |
| History of influence | Influenced Kant, Schopenhauer, and others | Influenced social-contractarian egalitarian thought |
| Theory | Fair distribution according to dependent origination | Valuing fairness over efficiency |
| Principal economic activity | Production for proper distribution | Valuing the principle of justice rather than economic logic |
| View of the state | Neutral state, maintenance of social fairness | Basic social-security state |
| View of society/equality | Field of meritorious virtue, field of requiting kindness, field of poverty | Maintenance of minimum income |
| Value theory | No dependent origination, no distribution | Labor theory of value |
| Representative thinkers | Schumacher | Adam Smith, Rawls, Kant |
| Merits | Recovery of symmetry, recovery of ethics | Occasion for community development through the introduction of duty into economics |
| Problems | Opacity of the boundary of dependent origination | Lack of justification for countermeasures upon breach of contract |
| Difference | Valuing circulation over justice | Valuing justice over circulation |
| Solution | Supplementation of the theory of dependent origination | Justice through observance of duty and solidarity270) |
4. Confucian Capitalism and the Utilitarian View of Labor271)272)
In the latter half of the twentieth century, when only the nations whose state ideology had been Confucianism—China, Japan, and Vietnam, and the so-called Four Asian Dragons of Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore—uniquely began to dominate the world economy, a reflection arose as to whether Confucianism, which the Chinese Communist Party had denounced as an anti-modern thought, might be a thought superior to capitalism, and research on “Confucian capitalism” became globally fashionable.273)
Research on the affinity between Confucianism and capitalism was conducted, beginning with Tu Weiming274) of the Harvard-Yenching Institute, Michio Morishima (森嶋通夫)275) of Japan, and Ham Jae-bong276) of Korea, and the excellence of Confucian thought—distorted by Western Orientalism—began to be revealed one by one.277) Tu Weiming and others, who energetically propagate Confucian capitalism, expound on how positive a function Confucianism has performed in the emergence and development of capitalism.278)
If we examine Confucian capitalism beginning with the parts close to daily life—in the order of history, principal economic activity, doctrine, view of society, attitude toward economic activity, view of the market, view of the state, value theory, problems, differences, and points for improvement—we come to know that it has a view of labor similar to utilitarianism and Keynesian-Schumpeterian economics.
If we examine the history of Confucian thought's influence on Western economic thought: in the West, once wealth was accumulated through Calvinism, production next became the main problem. The West, from Greece and Rome down to Western Religion, had an extremely negative view of individual greed, but in a situation where goods had become a token of salvation, a change in economic thought arose that regarded self-interest as the source of social ethics. Adam Smith—then a professor of ethics, later called the father of economics—together with his close friend Hume studied the economic thought of China279), and criticized and developed the logic of The Fable of the Bees280)—which at the time caused a social stir by holding that individual self-interest paradoxically brings about social development—thereby causing a Copernican revolution in the Western tradition, descending from the Greeks, of the taboo on greed. Before Adam Smith, the altruistic person, who had been the human standard, came after Adam Smith to be regarded as a swindler, an irrational person, or a person of bad conscience. The innovation-value theory appeared—that value arises not only from use-value but from innovation according to human creativity—and the world became an arena of competition for innovation.
If we look at the theoretical system of Confucianism, contrary to the common notion that Confucianism is a stale theory that suppresses creativity, it may be said to be characterized by a propulsive creativity capable of sprouting the seed made by saving through creativity, as its representative theoretical text, the Great Learning (大學), emphasizes “illustrious virtue (明德),” “renewing the people (在新民),” and “renew yourself day by day, and again day by day (日新又日新).”281) With the Confucian art of enriching the nation and strengthening the military, China boasted the world's foremost economic power until the eighteenth century.282) The reason Matteo Ricci (Yi Madu) of all places went to China to spread a paradise on earth is that China was at the time the world's most advanced nation and Europe was in an age in which it found it hard to catch up with China. What Matteo Ricci and his colleagues, the Jesuit missionaries, came to China and found as the reason for China's wealth was Confucianism, which centered on enriching the nation and strengthening the military. China at the time was, together with Korea, the world's only nation with an educational system in which Confucianism was studied from the king down to the common people, and its intellectual foundation was Confucianism.283)
If we examine the central economic activity of Confucianism, it emphasizes production among saving, production, circulation, and distribution. Confucianism, which emphasized benevolence (仁), came with Mencius to emphasize benevolence and righteousness (仁義) simultaneously, but it most emphasized benevolence (仁), which is production. In Confucian capitalism, the human being forms a community284) in order to circulate all things and has a utilitarian view of labor that carries out structural innovation through the greatest happiness for the greatest number.285) The utilitarian view of labor refers to a method that, like the circular view of saving or the circular view of distribution, centers on circulation but leads circulation through production by means of innovation.286)
If we examine the Confucian view of the state, Confucianism may be said to be represented by Confucius's humanist view of the state.287) Confucius supplemented the problems of the libertarian familial view of the state and brought out its merits, positing the state out of an aspiration for humanistic cultivation aimed at minimal fault, arising from the spontaneity of blood ties, thereby creating the tradition of the philosopher-king state that Europe so envied.288)
As appears in the Analects and Mencius, Confucianism already had Keynesian economic-regulation policies in the Warring States period, and naturally was implementing Adam Smith's laissez-faire policy, carrying out the enriching of the nation and strengthening of the military with maximal efficiency.289) Research on the Confucian origin of Western capitalism finally proved that it was not the East that learned capitalism from the West, but the West that learned Eastern capitalism, and that this is why the economic rankings of Europe and Asia were reversed in the twentieth century.
However, although the West learned capitalism from the East, it failed to learn the circular economic view of the Book of Changes (易) within it, and thus came to bring about great calamity.
If we examine the Confucian view of society, Confucian capitalism emphasizes efficiency but, in that it emphasizes the collective efficiency of society as a whole, is ethically close to utilitarianism.290) Adam Smith's economic thought—that even if the human being pursues greed, the invisible hand regulates it—was an imitation of the “Way (道).” Confucianism orients toward a Great Unity society in which the members of society pursue a single goal. Adam Smith's classical capitalism was a transformation of Quesnay's agriculture-centered capitalism—which had originally imitated Mencius's liberal economic thought—into a commerce-and-industry-centered liberal capitalist economy.
If we examine the value theory of Confucianism, it appears as the innovation-value theory and sign-value.291) Examining the innovation-value theory: the fact that, even when labor-value and marginal-utility-value are identical, the result differs according to the person means that, besides labor and utility, there is another value-creating factor. It is precisely the human factor that determines labor and utility that determines value, and the more technology develops, the greater the human role in making value becomes. The human being is invested and managed as human capital.
Confucianism ceaselessly reproves people so that they create something new. If labor-value and marginal utility are a value theory that creates the maximum through polarity (daedae) and flow (yuhaeng) within a given framework, then creativity or the innovation-value theory may be called a value theory that expands the framework itself. Human innovation, which regulates production and distribution, may be said to move to the right the more equally opportunity circulates. Schumpeter held that innovation is the source of value and that a society without innovation can have no value. Confucianism, which set out from an occasion of initial creativity, somewhat stagnated the economy as the occasion for creativity disappeared after it monopolized society's value system; but, renewed in modern society, it played the role of a locomotive leading the development of the Asian economy.
Examining sign-value: it appears that the source of sign-value, too, like innovation, lies in circulation.292) First, that something is created means that the polarity (daedae) and flow (yuhaeng) of circulation are made smooth. For example, if red is in fashion, blue will be in fashion next, and to prepare red things while blue things are in fashion may be called innovation. Innovation today produces the “sign” of difference that distinguishes self from other.
Let us examine the merits of Confucianism and utilitarianism. The use-value of Taoism and the exchange-value of Buddhism are mutually opposed; if the two concepts are valid concepts at the minimum subsistence level of the human being, then beyond that level the creation of a new sign that harmonizes the two is required. If “use-value” and “exchange-value” are values needed in the economy of “quantity (量),” then the Confucian “sign”-value is a concept needed in the economy of “quality (質).”293) What the human being should most focus on may be said to be production through labor and innovation through imagination.294) The use-value of Taoism and the exchange-value of Buddhism are signified by Confucianism, innovated, and born as new qualitative value. Confucianism, which prefers sign-value, gives top priority to the distinction that ‘X is X and –X is –X.’ Late capitalism, the age of semiotics, has become the most efficient system for producing and consuming signs.295) The sign-value of Confucian capitalism humanizes the community and brings about sustainable development.
If we examine the problems of Confucianism and utilitarianism: utilitarianism seems closest to the welfare state, but it has problems in common with Confucianism in that it does not emphasize individual utility, does not consider the inequality of society as a whole, and—positing a subject that evaluates utility monistically—disregards the collective choice process of the diverse members of society. In Adam Smith's classical capitalism the invisible hand operates like the Way (道) to balance supply and demand, but what Adam Smith and Quesnay both failed to learn from Chinese economic thought was the circularity that underlies Chinese thought. Like the Chinese thought of the Book of Changes (易), the invisible hand can achieve sustainable growth only if it develops in a spiral, but after Adam Smith European economy chose linear development rather than spiral development. The European economy that pursued linear development met first the Marxist revolution and second the environmental crisis, and came again to return to its Eastern origin and pursue spiral development. Just as China makes its system flexible and capitalist nations strengthen their social-security systems, utilitarianism and Confucian capitalism can be developed by guaranteeing the interests of the weak and practicing mutual life-giving (sangsaeng) through the Three Bonds and Five Relations of Confucianism. A comparison of Confucian capitalism and utilitarianism thus far is as follows.
\<Table 2.6\> Comparison Table of Confucian Capitalism and Utilitarianism
| | Confucian capitalism | Utilitarianism/Keynesian-Schumpeterian economics |
| ----- | :---: | :---: |
| History of influence | Influenced Adam Smith and Quesnay | Influenced the welfare state |
| Theory | Valuing creativity; ‘renew day by day, and again day by day’ (日新又日新) | Effective demand, entrepreneurship |
| Principal economic activity | Production, benevolence (仁), labor | Mass production for the greatest happiness of the greatest number |
| View of the state | Humanist view of the state | Welfare state |
| View of society/equality | Great Unity society, the equality of Great Unity296) | Emphasis on collective efficiency |
| Value theory | Sign-value | Innovation-value theory |
| Representative thinkers | Confucius, Sima Qian | Bentham, Mill / Keynes, Schumpeter |
| Merits | Humanization of community, innovation | Innovation, occasion for community development |
| Problems | Group-centered, uniformization | Infringement of individual human rights, disregard of qualitative distinction |
| Difference | Circulation takes precedence over utility | Utility takes precedence over circulation |
| Solution | Respect for the weak in the Three Bonds and Five Relations | Guaranteeing the interests of the minority |
5. Western Religion (Seogyo), Western Capitalism, and the Communitarian View of Goods
After Max Weber published The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Western Religion came to be known as closely connected with capitalism. But, contrary to what Weber revealed, it may be said that Protestantism succeeded in establishing capitalism because its communitarian spirit grounded in the universal-love spirit of Western Religion was differentiated from Confucianism.297)
If we examine Western Religion and Western capitalism beginning with the parts close to daily life—in the order of history, principal economic activity, doctrine, view of society, attitude toward economic activity, view of the market, view of the state, value theory, problems, differences, and points for improvement—we come to know that it has a view of goods similar to communitarianism and institutionalist economics.
If we examine the history of Western Religion and Western capitalism: unlike Weber, who regarded Protestantism as identical to Western Religion, the universal-love thought of Western Religion had a thought exactly opposite to the Protestant view of wealth.298) If the Taoist view of wealth plays the role of pulling in and accumulating all things, like “water (水),” then “universal love (博愛)” plays the role of circulating accumulated wealth by consuming it where needed, like “fire (火).” “Universal love,” concentrating on consumption, does not fail to produce value; rather, it produces value by realizing utility. In fact, Western Religion expresses the Holy Spirit as “fire (火).”299)
If we examine the principal economic activity of Western Religion, it corresponds to circulation among the economic cycle of saving, production, circulation, and distribution. Value built through saving, labor, and innovation is realized as value only after passing through circulation grounded in the communitarian view of goods that is universal love. Western Religion leads circulation mainly through circulation among the four economic stages of saving–production–circulation–distribution.300) Circulation, unlike existing saving, distribution, and production, is the concept of consumption and the gift (贈與) unrelated to production. The sign generated by Confucian innovation becomes a symbol that integrates value, and as it is given as a symbol of love, economic activity concludes one cycle.301)
If we examine the doctrine of Western Religion in connection with economy, what allows us to say that Western Religion symbolizes circulation is that, unlike Islam—a religion that believes in the same one God—it recognizes “interest (利子).” Western capitalism may be said to have begun by recognizing “interest,” going beyond mere saving for reuse.302) The interest that Calvin recognized was a thought that did not appear in Islam or Judaism, which worship the same one God. The recognition of interest was a logic acceptable through the universal love and the Trinity of Western Religion.303) The Son (聖子) is value increased by circulation through unconscious symmetry, and universal love has as its special strength circulating all things like “fire.”304)
“Money,” another expression for currency, symbolizes circulation, and universal love has the doctrinal system most suited to the attribute of “money.”305) In fact, the missionaries of Western Religion, like Matteo Ricci, traveled the whole world and circulated Western Religion. The monotheistic thought of Western Religion had a thought that unifies everything by a single standard, like currency.306)
If we examine the view of the state of Western Religion, as in the view of the state of communitarian ethics, the state becomes a place that actively realizes the ideal of community. Although Western Religion is a religion with a dual system of pope and king, the king can realize the ideal of community in the state. The view of the state of Western Religion may be said to orient toward a paradise on earth through community.
If we look at the view of society of Western Religion, it may be said to be close to communitarianism in that independent individual subjects look critically at the market economy307) and assert the common good.308) Communitarianism, unlike social contractarianism, regards social solidarity not as a matter of calculating interests but as an emotional community formed historically. Western Religion does not value the family, so all are called brothers and sisters. Communitarianism may be called the most ideal economic thought, but for this a firm guarantee of circulation is needed.
If we examine the value theory of Western Religion and Western capitalism, the value theory closest to the circulation–view of goods of Western Religion may be called the cultural-value theory309) or the symbolic-value theory.310) The law of marginal utility—which circulates to the person who most needs something and draws out the highest utility—is accomplished through the practice of the gift that is universal love through circulation, and at this time exchange-value, use-value, and sign-value become symbolic value. The symbolic value of communitarianism appears in Western Religion as a promise with God.
The theory of universal love of Western Religion becomes the first step from the stage of production to the stage of circulation and consumption. In particular, the logic of the gift operates and the value of the commodity begins to harden into symbolic value. The change of the commodity—which had developed to the point of indicating semiotic differences of status—hardens into symbolic value as it circulates, and becomes spiritual (靈) capital.311)
If we examine the merits of Western capitalism: unlike the Protestant view of wealth that Weber pointed to as the cause of capitalism's establishment, what truly gave rise to capitalism in the West may be said to be this gift-thought of universal love, which is lacking in the Eastern thought of Yu-Bul-Seon. Western Religion, unlike the East, widely circulated the goods manufactured by the Taoist and Confucian policy of enriching the nation and strengthening the military, in accordance with the thought of universal love, thereby promoting the circulation of goods and succeeding in building industrial capitalism. Agrarian peoples have deep emotional bonds but, through long cohabitation, cannot but give rise to something like crony capitalism; whereas non-agrarian peoples maintain fair relationships and are thus more advantageous for forming community.
If we examine the problems of Western Religion and Western capitalism: just as the Western view of wealth changes with the death of God and the death of ideology, the conception of the symbolic value of goods also changes. Goods as proof of God's mercy come, after the death of God, to appear as objects of use, and after the death of ideology, as virtual reality. Today Western Religion has become prosperity theology, and goods have again become proof of salvation; but beyond the level of absolute poverty they are no longer objects of envy, but merely a token of the desire of the other.312)
Western capitalism, which developed by harmonizing well the values of saving, labor, and innovation, achieved the development of material civilization, but material civilization came to obstruct the spiritual civilization of the Yu-Bul-Seon circular structure that was its root. The circularity of society and nature, which is the source of the capitalist economy, became a boomerang of environmental crisis and human alienation and came to hold back the modern economy. Rather than the realization of value through circulation, a gambling capitalism that sacrifices today for the sake of heaven became economic value. The realization of circular value, which is its own root, was deferred to a later day, and a linear material civilization came to be pursued. The economic view of the individual, too, lost circular ethics and pursues economy, but the economy became more difficult.313)
Communitarianism, which alone is unrelated to production, is increasing explosively, and this is said to have a strong dimension of seeking an alternative following the collapse of socialism in the Eastern European nations.314)
The reason one must make a gift, for which there is no guarantee of return, for the sake of economic circulation is that when circulation collapses, the intentionality of human consciousness—which always orients toward something—collapses. In fact, the modern person, immersed in meritocracy, frequently falls into depression and helplessness. MacIntyre, who represents communitarianism, holds that the problem facing today's free society is the loss of a sense of purpose due to the absence of the gift, and that as long as there is no sense of purpose, morality becomes no more than a hobby or taste.315)
The difference between Western Religion–Western capitalism and communitarianism may be said to be that, in the order of priority of the common good and circulation, Western Religion–Western capitalism places the common good above circulation compared with communitarianism. This is because in Western Religion the good of the community, too, is ultimately only the will of the Absolute.
Economic communitarianism has not yet discovered the psychological mechanism by which communitarianism arises, but psychoanalysis has proven that communitarianism necessarily arises owing to unconscious symmetry. Matte Blanco discovered, in Lacan's psychoanalysis, that the unconscious is composed symmetrically.
\<Table 2.7\> Comparison Table of Western Capitalism and Communitarianism
| | Western Religion (西敎) Western capitalism | Communitarianism/Institutionalist economics |
| ----- | :---: | :---: |
| History of influence | Non-agrarian-culture communitarianism | Modern communitarianism |
| Theory | Recognition of interest, Trinity | Gift-economy theory, general economics |
| Principal economic activity | Community through the realization of universal love | Gift, circulation, consumption |
| View of the state | Paradise on earth | Communitarian state |
| View of society/equality | Brothers and sisters of God | Emotional community |
| View of equality | Equality before God | Equality before the community |
| Value theory | Promise with God | Symbolic value |
| Representative thinkers | Calvin, Wesley | MacIntyre, Michael Sandel |
| Merits | Collective action possible | |
| Problems | Environmental problems | Lack of practicality |
| Difference | Emphasis on circulation | Emphasis on community |
| Solution | Promotion of dialogue | Strengthening the sense of purpose |
Human consciousness has an exchange-consciousness advantageous only to itself, but, owing to the symmetry of the unconscious, the human being has an intentionality of coming to give to someone and a sense of indebtedness that returns what was received. Mauss holds that in the world's gift-economy systems people appeal to a sense of indebtedness. What makes the human being feel indebtedness may be said to be unconscious symmetry. What has been discussed so far may be organized as in the following table.
Chapters II-1, 2, 3, and 4 may be summarized in the following table.
\<Table 2.8\> Table Relating to Saving–Production–Circulation–Distribution316)
| | Saving | Production | Circulation | Distribution |
| :---: | :---: | :---: | :---: | :---: |
| Religion | Taoism | Confucianism | Western Religion | Buddhism |
| Economic thought | Positive view of wealth | Vocational view of labor | Public view of goods | Dependent-origination view of distribution |
| Circulation | Opposition—mutual opposition | Anticipation—mutual interdependence | Acting-on-behalf—mutual proxy | Exchange—mutual waxing and waning |
| Economic thought | Calvinism | Entrepreneurship, Pareto optimality317) (welfare economics) | Welfare state318) | Kantianism |
| Economic ethics | Libertarianism | Utilitarianism | Communitarianism | Social contractarianism |
| Value theory | Utility-value theory | Innovation-value theory | Monetary-value theory | Labor-value theory |
| Value | Use-value | Sign-value | Symbolic value | Exchange-value |
| Domain of application | Dimension of usefulness | Dimension of status | Dimension of the gift | Dimension of transaction |
| Operating logic | Functionality | Difference | Ambiguity | Equivalence |
| Capitalism | Chinese capitalism | Confucian capitalism | Western capitalism | Bodhisattva capitalism |
| Economic justice | Non-action and naturalness | Renewal day by day | Universal love | Compassion, emptiness, dependent origination |
| Circulation | Equalization of marginal utility319) | Creative innovation | Credit creation | Reproduction of labor-power |